In tribute to CONGO SQUARE & STORYVILLE in New Orleans!
Under French rule of colonial Louisiana in 1724, the Code Noir or Black Code was created to restrict the rights of the slaves forcibly brought over from Africa. But this population of enslaved Africans somehow managed to preserve their heritage in the New World, even after Louisiana moved to Spanish control in 1763 and then to American control 40 years later. So instead of being eradicated or homogenized, many aspects of African culture persisted in New Orleans, influencing everything from religion and music to what New Orleanians eat for dinner.
Set in the Louisiana Territory round 1830, wealthy planter Jim Bowie encounters many famous people in New Orleans/backwoods (according to the movie, he initially meet with the folks from Nova Scotia, the NEWLY fur trader inhabitants. (as seen within the SECOND image above) The Adventures of Jim Bowie (1956-1958), played by Scott Forbes. He was born on September 11, 1920 in England as Conrad Scott-Forbes. Bowie is representing the newly arrived Americans, who will drive the slave trade.
Historic New Orleans Collection historian and curator Erin Greenwald stands in front of the Omni Royal Orleans Hotel, which was constructed in the 1950s. “This site has the longest lineage in the history of the domestic slave trade here in New Orleans,” she says. “People were bought and sold under the domed rotunda of a fabulously decked out hotel. There wasn’t anywhere else in the country where human beings were bought and sold in such luxurious environs.” Greenwald’s talking about the domestic slave trade, meaning the sales and movements of peoples within the borders of the United States.
Mulatto: Historically this term is meant to describe someone of mixed African and European ancestry. In Louisiana, it is even more specific- describing someone who is believed to be of one-half African ancestry and one-half European ancestry.
“Quadroon” Referred to women of color whose ancestry was supposedly mixed with only one quarter black blood. The term was popularized by President Jefferson, a slaveholder who never arranged to free his own black children, borne by his slave Sally Hemmings, or any of the other 200 slaves he held at his death.
The "quadroon balls" were social events designed to encourage mixed-race women to form liaisons with wealthy white men through a system of concubinage known as plaçage
The word Octoroon signifies a person of one-eighth African ancestry. In comparison, a Quadroon would have one quarter African ancestry and a mulatto for the most part has historically implied half African ancestry.
Real History, Not Taught in Your Fabulous Schools: How Early French Colonizers, RAPED, Native Indigenous women, and many became CREOLES from such tragedy, and how some French colonizers married the native indigenous women. How did the offspring become CREOLES with African features, BECAUSE they were Africans, already here in America. Many French colonizers, after expelled from Nova Scotia, (The Acadians) came to the Louisiana territory and became the Cajuns.) Their inhabiting the area and mixing with the indigenous, brought forth the French Creoles (The Indigneous).
The arrival of French colonists set off a chain reaction of disease and dislocation in Indian communities throughout the Gulf Coast area. American Indigenous people had never been exposed to the diseases Europeans brought with them, and consequently lacked the immunities Europeans had built up over countless generations of exposure. Entire villages were destroyed in epidemics. The Chitimachas of New Orleans were WIPED OUT. (BLACK FOLKS)
Congo Square, a formerly grassy area that is now part of Armstrong Park on the edge of the French Quarter in historic Treme. In Spanish-controlled New Orleans of the late 18th Century, slaves were afforded only the simplest human rights, including receiving time off from work on Sundays. This resulted in hundreds of African slaves and laborers congregating to trade and sell goods, play music, dance, and socialize. Because many slaves in New Orleans came from culturally similar regions in western Africa, they formed new variations of common traditions and bonded with those who could speak their language or dialect. This newly connected community was also able to assert their heritage and make new traditions during the city’s annual Mardi Gras celebrations.
The city leaders allowed the slaves to congregate, but outside the city, in an open area just outside the original city, north of Rampart Street. This area became known as the Place des Negres, more commonly as Place Congo. By the time the Americans took control, the city had grown past the Vieux Carre, and this gathering point was called Congo Square was the place where black slaves could once again be Africans, even if for just one afternoon a week. They would bring drums, bells, and other musical instruments to the square and gather, roughly by tribe, to play music, sing, and dance. What separated New Orleans from the British colonies was the more laid-back attitude of the French and Spanish in terms of treatment of slaves. The Catholics in New Orleans followed the old Code Noir (Black Code), which was a much less harsh overall set of guidelines than what the Protestant British followed. Additionally, the Catholics, even the Spanish, usually did not concern themselves with the “African” aspects of slave life and culture that their slaves kept. The British planters demanded their slaves take up Christianity (and the slaves did so, at least in outward forms), and African-based music, song and dance were not permitted. These trends continued after the American Revolution by the original states. When New Orleans (along with the rest of Louisiana) became part of the U.S., it took time for American ways to merge with the Continental philosophy.
Tremé is a neighborhood of the city of New Orleans, in the U.S. state of Louisiana. "Tremé" is often rendered as Treme, and historically the neighborhood is sometimes called by its more formal French name, Faubourg Tremé; it is listed in the New Orleans ... Faubourg Treme: The Untold Story of Black New Orleans.
Long ago during slavery, Faubourg Treme was home to the largest community of free black people in the Deep South and a hotbed of political and artistic ferment. Here black and white, free and enslaved, rich and poor co-habitated, collaborated, and clashed to create America’s first civil rights movement and much of what defines New Orleans culture up to the present day. In many ways its story encapsulates the dramatic path of African American history over the centuries. Executive produced by Wynton Marsalis and Stanley Nelson, "Faubourg Treme" is a riveting tale of hope, resistance, and heartbreak. It sheds important new light on both African American history and current issues of racial inequality. This is the true story of the neighborhood that inspired David Simon’s fictional HBO television series “Treme”.
This population of African Americans began to grow in the city, including Creoles descended from unions of Africans with the French and Spanish. The Creoles often were labeled as “gens de couleur libres” (free people of color) who lived in the Treme, the oldest African-American neighborhood in America. Some slaves also were able to earn their freedom, and others came to New Orleans from present-day Haiti, fleeing a slave revolt there and bringing along Voodoo and other traditions.
They were there before the French/Spanish occupation of the Louisiana Territory and before the Louisiana Purchase and the 13 Colonies. Free People of Color, The (Les Gens de Coleur) Once the 13 colonies acquired the Louisiana Territory, by way of the Louisiana Purchase. Upon the entry of the Europeans into the Louisiana Territory, they specifically noticed, on the famed Downtown Canal Street, an obvious disbelief. Such a witnessing like none other. They witnessed, 65% of the businesses were owned by the Gen de Couleur Libres.
The year 2019 marks the 320th anniversary of French Louisiana. In conjunction with FrancoFete, the official celebration of the tricentennial, the fifth annual African Americans in New Orleans exhibit focuses on the free black community of the Crescent City during the years before the Civil War. Largely of French or French Caribbean origin, les gens de couleur libres (the free people of color) formed an important segment of the New Orleans population. Their contributions to the history of the city were considerable and enduring. New Orleans today would be an entirely different place were it not for their presence.
By the mid-1830s free blacks owned $2.5 million in property in New Orleans. They had their own schools, usually operated as small, private institutions in educators' homes. The earliest recorded school was in 1813 operated by G. Dorefeuille, a free man of color. Some of the young men and women were sent to France or schools in northern United States to be educated. New Orleans here:
Homer Plessy of New Orleans, a Free Person of Color, initiated the Civil Rights Movement. Homer Plessy is best known as the plaintiff in Plessy v. Ferguson, a landmark court case challenging southern-based segregation.
Born on March 17, 1862, in New Orleans, Louisiana, Homer Plessy was a shoemaker whose one act of civil disobedience helped inspire future generations of the Civil Rights Movement. He challenged Louisiana segregation legislation by refusing to move from a "whites only" railcar in 1896. His case was heard before the U.S. Supreme Court and arguments from it were used decades later in the landmark Brown v. Board of Education decision of 1954. Plessy passed away March 1, 1925, at age 62.
Homer Adolph Plessy was born in New Orleans, Louisiana, on March 17, 1862, to a family of mixed racial heritage. His family could pass for white and were considered "free people of color." Plessy thought of himself as 1/8 black since his great-grandmother was from Africa. As a young man, Plessy worked as a shoemaker, and at age 25, he married Lousie Bordnave. Taking up social activism, in 1887, Plessy served as vice president of the Justice, Protective, Educational and Social Club to reform New Orleans' public education system.
http://www.frenchcreoles.com/CreoleCulture/mulattoes,%20mixed%20race,%20creoles/mulattoes,%20mixed%20race,%20creoles%202.htmFor more than five hundred years, America has been a land where people have sought, if not always found, freedom. Those who were successful in their search have come to be seen as quintessential American heroes. And yet while we celebrate freedom as the founding tenet of our nation, the great paradox of America is the long existence and influence of slavery. At the nexus of slavery and freedom were free people of color, the tens of thousands of people of African descent who overcame incredible odds and lived free in the most unlikely of places—the slave societies of the South, the Caribbean, and Latin America in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Many histories of America have failed to tell the story of these resilient and fascinating people.
If most Americans today are aware that some black men and women, like Frederick Douglass and Harriet Tubman, were able to escape from southern plantations and live in freedom in the North, few realize that free African Americans also lived in and occasionally prospered in places where slavery was so deeply rooted that it took a war to abolish it. One such place was Louisiana.
During the antebellum period, Louisiana's free people of color enjoyed a relatively high level of acceptance and prosperity, a legacy of the state's French and Spanish founders, but as the American Civil War approached, white society increasingly turned against them. Most heavily concentrated in New Orleans, many worked as artisans and professionals. Significant numbers were also found in Baton Rouge, St. Landry Parish, and the Natchitoches area, where some were plantation owners and slaveholders. It is for their contributions to the arts that Louisiana's free people of color have come to be best known, with many distinguishing themselves as authors, artists, and musicians. Only in the last few decades have historians themselves begun to appreciate the complexity of free black communities and their significance to our understanding not just of the past, but also the present.
The similarity between Carnaval and Mardi Gras in New Orleans is just one connection the two places share. In 1809, when the Haitian Revolution ended and Haiti became independent, thousands of white, free black and enslaved people fled to New Orleans, doubling the city's population in just a few months. But you can still see that Haitian influence everywhere in the city, from the architecture to the music to the food, says Kaplan-Levenson.
"People who know anything about New Orleans food know that there's red beans and rice, know that there's jambalaya. A lot of these dishes come from Haiti," she says. While working on her history podcast about New Orleans, Kaplan-Levenson says she'd hear about this New Orleans-Haiti connection all the time. "So much of what I heard was all about Haiti and the Haitian influence." It made her wonder if Haitians felt the same way about New Orleanians.
Soon, she was traveling to Haiti to find out. Kaplan-Levenson produced an hour-long radio documentary about her journey and the complicated Haitian-New Orleanian relationship. It's called "Haiti and New Orleans. Is the feeling mutual?"
The Haitian Revolution was significant because it was the most successful rebellion waged by slaves against a colonial power. The country also became the first black republic in the world. Haiti at the time was the wealthiest of France's colonies, and the colonial power was unwilling to cede the territory.
During the French Revolution, the new government embraced the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, which inspired mulattoes and free blacks to fight for their own rights. The Haitian Revolution is significant because it: brought an end to slavery in Haiti.
The Louisiana Purchase Was Driven by a Slave Rebellion. ... But the purchase was also fueled by a slave revolt in Haiti—and tragically, it ended up expanding slavery in the United States. It would have seemed unthinkable for France to cede any of its colonial territory before 1791.
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: It’s a familiar chapter in our history, part of the triumphant narrative of westward expansion: In 1803, the United States bought a massive chunk of North America, and we got it for a song. Spain had ceded the Louisiana Territory to France, and Napoleon, in turn, offloaded it to American diplomats in Paris after the Haitian Revolution ruined his plans for the New World. Vaguely defined at the time as the western watershed of the Mississippi River, and later pegged at about 827,000 square miles, the acquisition nearly doubled the national domain for a mere 15 million or roughly $308 million in today’s dollars. Divide the area by the price and you get the Louisiana Purchase’s celebrated reputation as one of the greatest real estate bargains in history.
This view of the purchase got a big push at the turn of the 20th century, around the time of its centennial, as leading intellectuals like Henry Adams applauded its agreeable price (he said “it cost almost nothing”) and illustration-hungry textbook authors made it the centerpiece of a benign vision of U.S. territorial growth. Maps used in classrooms—and emblazoned on everything from souvenir coins to cigar boxes and T-Shirts—have burnished this reputation for generations. But the traditional narrative of the purchase glosses over a key fact. What Thomas Jefferson purchased wasn’t actually a tract of land. It was the imperial rights to that land, almost all of which was still owned, occupied, and ruled by Native Americans. The U.S. paid France $15 million for those rights. It would take more than 150 years and hundreds of lopsided treaties to extinguish Indian title to the same land.
Thomas Jefferson believed Native American peoples to be a noble race who were "in body and mind equal to the whiteman" and were endowed with an innate moral sense and a marked capacity for reason. Nevertheless, he believed that Native Americans were culturally and technologically inferior.
The Cherokee Trail of Tears resulted from the enforcement of the Treaty of New Echota, an agreement signed under the provisions of the Indian Removal Act of 1830, which exchanged Indian land in the East for lands west of the Mississippi River, but which was never accepted by the elected tribal leadership or a majority ...
The Indian Removal Act was signed into law by President Andrew Jackson on May 28, 1830, authorizing the president to grant unsettled lands west of the Mississippi in exchange for Indian lands within existing state borders. A few tribes went peacefully, but many resisted the relocation policy.
The “Trail of Tears” refers specifically to Cherokee removal in the first half of the 19th century, when about 16,000 Cherokees were forcibly relocated from their ancestral lands in the Southeast to Indian Territory (now Oklahoma) west of the Mississippi.
Do Americans own their land?
Federal lands are lands in the United States owned by the citizens of the United States. They are held in public trust and managed by the federal government.
THE INDIAN REMOVAL ACT: It gave the president power to negotiate removal treaties with Indian tribes living east of the Mississippi. Under these treaties, the Indians were to give up their lands east of the Mississippi in exchange for lands to the west. Those wishing to remain in the east would become citizens of their home state.
Richard Follett, the author is Reader in American History at the University of Sussex, Brighton, England. He writes on the history of slavery and emancipation in the American South. Major publications include, The Sugar Masters: Planters and Slaves in Louisiana's Cane World, 1820-1860 and Slavery's Ghost: The Problem of Freedom in the Age of Emancipation (co-authored with Eric Foner and Walter Johnson). His databases on the American Sugar Economy (1844-1917) are freely accessible at www.sussex.ac.uk/louisianasugar Follett is currently writing two books, Troubled Minds: Slave Revolts in American Memory and with Sven Beckert, Peter Coclanis, and Barbara Hahn, The Global History of Southern Commodities. A full list of publications is available at www.sussex.ac.uk/americanstudies
An online video discussing aspects of The Sugar Masters is available at: http://teachinghistory.org/best-practices/examples-of-historical-thinking/23459
King Cotton was a phrase coined in the years before the Civil War to refer to the economy of the American South. The southern economy was particularly dependent on cotton. And, as cotton was very much in demand, both in America and Europe, it created a special set of circumstances.
Great profits could be made by growing cotton. But as most of the cotton was being picked by enslaved people, the cotton industry was essentially synonymous with slavery. And by extension, the thriving textile industry, which was centered on mills in northern states as well as in England, was inextricably linked to the institution of American slavery.
When the banking system of the United States was rocked by periodic financial panics, the cotton-based economy of the South was at times immune to the problems.
The South's failure to industrialize more rapidly in the Antebellum period did not lead to its immiserization. The South's terms of Trade improved over the Antebellum period so that its consumption potential expanded more rapidly than did production.
Productivity Growth and the Regional Dynamics of Antebellum Southern
At the Time of the Louisiana Purchase, The Dollioles were one of the two wealthiest Creole Families in New Orleans, Louisiana.
http://neworleanshistorical.org/items/show/1324 The Dollioles at the time of the Louisiana Purchase start date, 1803.
Slave Codes are the subset of laws regarding slavery and enslaved people, specifically regarding the Transatlantic Slave Trade and chattel slavery in the Americas.
Most slave codes were concerned with the rights and duties of free people in regards to enslaved people. Slave codes left a great deal unsaid, with much of the actual practice of slavery being a matter of traditions rather than formal law.
The primary colonial powers all had slightly different slave codes. French Colonies, after 1685, had the Code Noir specifically for this purpose. The Spanish had some laws regarding slavery, Las Siete Partimas, far older law that was not designed for the slave societies of the Americas. English Colonies largely had their own local slave codes, mostly based on the codes of either the colonies of Barbados or Virginia, in addition to the these national and state- or colony-level slave codes, there were city ordinances and other local restrictions regarding enslaved people.
The Comité des Citoyens ("Citizens' Committee" in French) was a civil rights group made up of African Americans, whites, and Creoles.
Most famous for being the group that organized member Homer Plessy’s violation of railroad segregation laws on a train in 1892, the Comité des Citoyens was a group founded by Rodolphe Desdunes and Louis Martinet, with aid and advice from Aristide Mary. Each of these men was engaged in the intellectual work and activism required to resist dangerous forces afoot in the late nineteenth century, forces that would (further) diminish the full humanity of black citizens in the post-Reconstruction period.
The Comité des Citoyens was a voice in support of an empowered form of Black identity that its members felt was slipping away as Americanization gained a firmer grasp on postbellum New Orleans. As current New Orleans activists battle to remove monuments that empower the legacy of enslavement, and that memorialize direct action by Redeemers against the Reconstruction government in Louisiana, perhaps we can memorialize instead the collective effort of people who resisted the reductive thinking that is at the heart of American white supremacy.
Members of the Comité des Citoyens were militant, recalcitrant, and defiant. In their newspaper, the Crusader, Desdunes speaks to these values of the Comité as he addresses these words to Judge Ferguson and his allies in 1893: “No theory of white supremacy, no method of lynching, no class legislation, no undue disqualification of citizenship, no system of enforced ignorance, no privileged classes at the expense of others can be tolerated, and, much less, openly encouraged by any citizen who loves justice, law, and right.”
In his 1911 book presenting prominent Creole residents of New Orleans, Desdunes makes clear the radicalism of his people and his history—of our people and our history—when he says: “It is more noble and dignified to fight, no matter what, than to show a passive attitude of resignation. Absolute submission augments the oppressor’s power and creates doubt about the feelings of the oppressed.” Our monuments should celebrate the Creole radicalism that is a fundamental part of our history.
First and foremost, Jazz was started in the Storyville section of New Orleans off Rampart Street near Canal Street, where once the Iberville Projects sat. Within a music venue, as the music played, the musician attempted to give it a name. The prostitutes within the music venue had on a perfume called jasmine. From this smell, the musicians gave the new found sound a name called, jass, after the perfume they smelled from the prostitutes. They later renamed it to jazz, because it added more pop.
Now on to TWO scenarios for the removal of Jazz from the Storyville Section of New Orleans.
Eulalie de Mandeville was born in 1774 in New Orleans, Louisiana, from the alliance between the prosperous French nobleman, Pierre Philippe Mandeville de Marigny, and one of his slaves, Marie-Jeanne. Eulalie was freed by her paternal grandparents in 1779 and was raised by them. As a member of a wealthy family within the Louisiana Creole community, she held a high status as a free woman of color.
"In the days before the Civil War, there lived a Louisiana people unique in Southern history," reads the blurb on the back cover of a popular novel. "For though they were descended from African slaves, they were also descended from the French and Spanish who had enslaved them.
"They were the gens de couleur libre - the Free People of Color. . . . men and women caught perilously between the worlds of master and slave, privilege and oppression, passion and pain.
Americans have always been fascinated by the story of New Orleans' "free people of color," people of African ancestry who lived outside slavery. Novelists write of French gentlemen selecting mistresses at "quadroon balls" and sending their mixed-race sons to schools in Paris. Writers linger over stories of free people of African descent who themselves owned slaves or who passed as white.
In some sense, such stories tend to romanticize the antebellum period and suggest that life, while sometimes melancholy, really wasn't so bad for people of African descent living in a society based on slavery.
But behind the facade of moonlight and magnolias lay a system of racial oppression. The French and Spanish colonists in New Orleans constructed three racial categories instead of the two favored by their Anglo-Saxon counterparts elsewhere in the United States. But the system that resulted - which classified people as white and free, African and enslaved, or African and partially free - was just as dehumanizing.